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Elena Mizulina, chair of the State Duma Committee on Women, Family and Children, criticizes U.S. Ambassador Michael McFaul for failing to attend an extended session of the committee, citing diplomatic protocol. She then goes on, for reasons that are not entirely clear, to claim that there is also no protocol “that allows the United States to kill Russian children.” She later clarifies that she is referring to the adoption of Russian children by same-sex couples.

Aleksey Pushkov, chair of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs, scolds the media for their “pathological” defense of the United States, noting that the U.S. is the only country alongside Somalia that has not ratified the Vienna Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Oksana Ryzhkova, mother of a large family who accuses the government of Tatarstan of depriving her family of housing, stages a hunger strike and protest outside the Tatarstan representative office on Kotelnicheskaya Embankment in Moscow. She appeals to Gérard Depardieu, who had recently received Russian citizenship: “Give up your gifted apartments — there is no social housing fund in Russia.”

On February 26, 2013, in the village of Veduchi near Grozny, a presentation was held for the new Veduchi ski resort. Olympic champions and public figures, including Timati and Nikita Dzhigurda, were invited to the event. The project’s investor, Ruslan Baisarov, stated that thanks to its natural features, Veduchi would have competitive advantages over Krasnaya Polyana: elevation differences, natural and climatic conditions, and strong infrastructure. He promised that within three to four years, an international-class luxury resort would be built —featuring 19 slopes and the capacity to serve up to 12,000 people per hour. The project cost was estimated at half a billion dollars, and Baisarov stressed there would be no unnecessary overspending, since he “does not plan to steal from himself.” The head of Chechnya also praised the region’s safety, noting in particular that there had “never been a war in Itum-Kalinsky District.” “The dogs bark, but the caravan moves on. I have an Instagram—‘Kadyrov95’—and all the ‘Russian-ans' there comment only good things!” he remarked.

In mid-February 2013, after a fight with anti-fascists in Minsk, Maksim Tesak Martsinkevich was placed in a Belarusian pre-trial detention center. The nationalist was released on February 24 on the condition that he appear at the first request. Martsinkevich recounts his time in prison: the first two weeks, he says, are the hardest. He speaks about the Quran — “The cow is good… Who is this even written for?!” — and about his attitude toward the elderly: “Why should I respect some old lady? Suddenly everyone becomes so ‘holy’ behind bars.” He describes buying “vouchers” to get into “better” prison facilities, and how one becomes a “goat” (a prison informant). According to Tesak, the three qualities necessary in prison — and in life — are willpower, intelligence, and physical strength.

Footage from the funeral of film director Aleksei Yuryevich German at the Bogoslovsky Cemetery in St. Petersburg. Aleksei German died on February 21 as a result of a serious illness. The director was 74 years old. He was the author of the films Twenty Days Without War, My Friend Ivan Lapshin, and Khrustalyov, My Car!, and was a laureate of numerous Russian and international film awards. In attendance at the farewell ceremony were actor Vladimir Mashkov, actress Anastasia Melnikova, Leonid Yarmolnik, director Alexei Smirnov, and the director’s friends and family.

On February 24, 2013, animator and film director Yuri Norstein gave a talk about his work and answered questions from the audience as part of the "Open Lecture" project. Norstein argued that technological progress makes freedom “programmed,” that many live-action directors have yet to reach the artistic level of animation, and that government officials are incapable of having a true “sense of life.” He also demonstrated how he “hid the hedgehog in the fog” — a reference to his iconic animated film.

Actress Chulpan Khamatova spent a day with the children of Maria Alyokhina and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, members of Pussy Riot who were serving sentences in a women’s penal colony. The meeting with the prisoners’ children was initiated by Maksim Gromov, a member of the unregistered human rights group "Union of Prisoners". “They’re wonderful children… If I had a son like this… It’s fascinating to imagine who they will become in 20 years,” Khamatova said.

Residents of a dormitory on Ilyushina Street 15 in St. Petersburg, participating in a hunger strike in protest against their eviction, clashed with a man who tore down a banner from the building. When caught by the residents, the man identified himself as Dmitry Zakharov, chief engineer of Housing Maintenance Service No. 1. Zakharov claimed he removed the banner because it was “hanging on a residential building” and said he had no knowledge of the protest. A hunger strike was held at the dormitory at 15 Ilyushina Street in protest against the eviction of residents.

Sergey Udaltsov, who had been placed under house arrest, celebrated his birthday at home on February 16. His supporters gathered under the opposition figure's windows to shout out their congratulations. The police were displeased and dispersed the impromptu gathering of Udaltsov's supporters: “I have to inform you that this protest action is not authorized,” said a police officer. “What action?” asked the supporters in the courtyard. “Udaltsov's birthday.” “But, excuse me, he was born on this day!” they reply. The supporters then release balloons up towards the politician's window. “We are not 'cops', we are police officers, for your information!” the officers remark. Then the arrests begin.

Eduard Limonov reflects on division and betrayal: “I can’t deal with Nemtsov at all — he’s a traitor!” He recalls December 10 as the day the opposition split, when instead of going to Revolution Square, Boris Nemtsov led people to Bolotnaya Square — in direct opposition to what the National Bolshevik leader wanted. “They oppose the authorities, but they don’t oppose the system!” Limonov insists, arguing that corruption is merely a symptom, not Russia’s main problem. He accuses the liberal faction of stealing the National Bolsheviks’ slogan “Russia Without Putin” and claims of wanting to build the same Russia, only without Putin.

Winter training camp of nationalist groups in Moscow. Nationalist leader Dmitry Demushkin and his associates held a gathering in the south of the city. Instructors briefed participants on combat tactics in urban and suburban environments.

On February 13, 2013, an action called “The Funeral of Russian Education” took place outside the Ministry of Education building in Moscow, where participants laid flowers at the entrance of the institution. The authorities stated that the event had not been approved, and police were dispatched to the site. Officers detained three participants, citing the lack of official authorization. During the detentions, protesters repeatedly asked, “Why are you detaining me?”— highlighting the legal uncertainty surrounding such public actions. The footage showed that the protest was peaceful, with no aggression, and that participants were simply expressing dissatisfaction with the state of the education system. The event was symbolic in nature, aimed at criticizing ongoing reforms and government policy in the sphere of education.